Nation

NationNation
associated with
Nation

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously

April 28, 1979
April 1979

Levesque's Strategy - Taking Quebec Seriously
Focuses on general elections scheduled to be held in Canada in May 1979 while discussing chief executive officer of Quebec René Lévesque's promise to his province for a referendum on separation after the elections. Confusion among Canadians regarding Lévesque's promise; Possibility of victory of Lévesque in the elections; Discussion on a sovereignty-association proposed by Lévesque.

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime

June 17, 1978
June 1978

How Democratic is Spain? A Mime Troupe Tests the Regime
Nothing has embarrassed the self-proclaimed Spanish democracy of King Juan Carlos and Premier Adolfo Suarez more than the case of Els Joglars, a Catalan mime troupe convicted of insulting the army. Protests have come from the best-known writers and artists of Europe. Paloma Picasso has warned that the Picasso family will never agree to the transfer of her father’s “Guernica” from New York’s Museum of Modern Art to Spain until the four imprisoned actors are released. The case is so ludicrous, anachronistic and unjust that many outsiders are convinced the King will find a way soon to free the actors and end the embarrassment. But whether or not the actors leave their prisons in Barcelona before the end of their two-year sentences, the case has revealed some of the flaws in Spain’s remarkable but fragile attempt at transition from the dictatorship of the late Francisco Franco to a parliamentary government. A latent, unhealthy fear of the army still ties the tongues of critics. And, after almost four decades of Francoism, people here feel that injustice to an individual or defilement of a principle are not worth fretting about so long as the outer forms of democracy are intact...

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy

February 7, 1976
February 1976

Echeverria's Mexico - Reacting to Big-Stick Diplomacy
Americans, when they think of Mexico, see it as a pleasant place for midwinter holidays, a rich source of (perhaps authentic) pre-Columbian treasures, an accommodating provider of divorces, or a more or less permanent refuge from the demands of 20th-century industrial life. However, Mexico presents no problems, and therefore Americans do not think about it very much. But for Mexicans, the United States is the big problem and they think about it all the time. They have been doing so with renewed intensity during the current administration of President Luis Echeverria, a proud, ambitious man in a proud, small country. Mexican relations with the United States have long been founded on humiliation and dependence. Mexicans know that the United States is usually strong enough to work its will - whether conquering all the land from Texas to California or invading in pursuit of bandits or closing the border to punish Mexico for lax drug enforcement. All this is seen by Mexicans as a reflection of their weakness as much as American strength. It is not an easy assessment for them to accept. No matter how urbane he may seem, a Mexican official has trouble keeping resentment out of his feelings when he deals with the United States...

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists

November 15, 1975
November 1975

Spain in Mexico - Still Loyal to the Loyalists
Reports on Mexican President Luis Echeverria Alvarez's reaction to Spain's Generalisimo Francisco Franco's execution of five revolutionaries in Spain in September 1975. Echeverria's description of the Spanish dictatorship; Call to the United Nations Security Council to expel Spain from the U.N.; Destruction of Echeverria's campaign to succeed Kurt Waldheim as Secretary General in 1976.

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster

October 12, 1974
October 1974

Aid for Haiti - Return to a Disaster
Focuses on relations between the U.S. and Haiti as of October 1974. Reasons for the stoppage of foreign aid to Haiti by the U.S. Agency for International Development in 1963; Factors that contributed to industrial establishments by U.S. businessmen in Haiti; State of agricultural production in the country in the 1970s.

The Blacks of Panama

The Blacks of Panama

The Blacks of Panama

The Blacks of Panama

The Blacks of Panama

June 22, 1974
June 1974

The Blacks of Panama
The difficult negotiations now in process between the United States and Panama over a new Panama Canal treaty are almost certain to ignore the rights of one people: the descendants of the blacks who dug the canal in the first place. “We are just hoping,” said a black who lives in the U.S. Canal Zone, “that whatever happens between the two countries, our position doesn’t become worse.” It probably will. Although Americans look on the Panama Canal as one of their great engineering achievements, it was dug mainly by foreign workers, mostly blacks from the West Indies. Few of these blacks left when the job was finished in 1914. They stayed on to help run the canal or to work in Panama. Their children did the same. As a result, Panama’s two main ports, Panama City and Colón, have urban ghettos of English-speaking blacks in the slums near the U.S. Canal Zone, and the Canal Zone itself has embarrassing communities of virtually segregated blacks. They are a people without power. Although many are America-oriented, they are not American. Although they are now citizens of Panama, they are a distant cultural minority. Their descendants will probably be assimilated, some day into the racially mixed Panamanian culture, but that does not help the present generations...

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa

July 16, 1973
July 1973

Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa
Focuses on Jehovah's Witnesses, a social movement against Nazis, as of July 16, 1973. Number of members of Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa; Founder of Jehovah's Witnesses; Factors that led to the establishment of Jehovah's Witnesses.
No items found.

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality

November 13, 1972
November 1972

Amin's Uganda - From Dreams to Brutality
General Idi Amin of Uganda has laid bare a treacherous weakness of Black Africa that its defenders have either ignored or covered for some time. It is easy to flick aside the fragile political institutions left behind by the colonial powers; the parliaments, the parties, the constitutions, the rules of foreign law have not taken root. The masses are unschooled, timid and ignorant of their rights and potential for power. They are riven by tribal strife. Instead of loyalty to their country, they feel hatred for one another. The quality of statesmanship is low. Leaders are possessed by greed and megalomania. Their promises of the good life have, with few exceptions, collapsed. Most economies are faltering. Life may be getting better for the common man, but not much better. The countries are small; the towns that count are few. A leader only needs a few thousand guns to rule for his lifetime. Thus, the conditions that favor tyranny are many; the checks are few. General Amin’s callous expulsion of the Asians has brought worldwide (though not much African) condemnation upon himself and crippled all those, both black and white, who have spent years trying to focus the attention of outsiders on the injustices of white Southern Africa. But his treatment of the Asians is only the most dramatic of the wrongs inside Uganda...

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide

December 6, 1971
December 1971

Bloody Sudan - Ten Years of Fratricide
The article discusses the genocide in Sudan. For more than a decade, an obscure civil war has ravaged Sudan. Largely ignored by the rest of the world, it is Africa's longest war, paralyzing the Sudan's three southern provinces intermittently from 1955 and continuously from 1963. The war has led to perhaps a half-million deaths and has forced 200,000 southerners to flee for refuge in neighboring countries. All the terror and turmoil have come from cultural hatred. The Sudan is the largest country in Africa, about a third the size of the United States, with a north of scrublands and sandy, arid hills, and a south of forests and grasslands. Swamps separate the two regions.
No items found.

Kenya's Asian Outcasts

Kenya's Asian Outcasts

Kenya's Asian Outcasts

Kenya's Asian Outcasts

Kenya's Asian Outcasts

September 1, 1969
September 1969

Kenya's Asian Outcasts
This article discusses about the Asians settled in Nairobi, Kenya. Most of the shops of downtown Nairobi are in the hands of Indians and Pakistanis. Living in a land run by African blacks, are the most visible evidence of the gravest minority problem in East Africa today. There are 350,000 Asians, as the Indians and Pakistanis are called here, among East Africa's 29 million people. About half of them live in Kenya, a quarter in Tanzania, a quarter in Uganda. They are the shopkeepers, clerks, artisans and foreman of East Africa. The Asians fill just those jobs and places that Africans believe they now have enough experience and training to take. Although they are called Asians, many either were born in East Africa or have spent most of their lives there. They consider East Africa as their home.

After Tom Mboya

After Tom Mboya

After Tom Mboya

After Tom Mboya

After Tom Mboya

August 11, 1969
August 1969

After Tom Mboya
The aftermath of the murder of Kenyan political leader Tom Mboya has mocked what he stood for. Mboya, who seemed to represent all that was modern in Africa to the rest of the world, always shunned the appeals to tribal allegiance that have crumbled political stability elsewhere in Africa. His constituents were mainly the urban workers groping for a modern way of life. Yet his assassination on the first Saturday in July, 1969 unleashed intense tribal hatreds. Kenya faces a long and dangerous period of instability unless the government can somehow placate his grieving Luo people.

Biafra: War of Images

Biafra: War of Images

Biafra: War of Images

Biafra: War of Images

Biafra: War of Images

March 10, 1969
March 1969

Biafra: War of Images
Images play as important a roIe as guns in the Nigerian civil war. The Biafran secessionists, among Africa’s most sophisticated peoples, have known from the beginning that their chances for success depended as much on evoking world sympathy as on holding back the federal army. Now, after twenty months of war, it is clear that the Biafrans have been far more adept at propaganda than soldiering. If they survive in some sovereign form, they will owe it to their skill with images. Part of the Biafran success in public relations stems from the federal Nigerian Government’s failure at it. At the beginning, the Nigerians made absolutely no intelligent effort to get their point of view across. In fact, the government’s publicists often hurt the Nigerian case as much as they helped it. Many officials of the Ministry of Information were new at their job. Before the troubles, the top information officers had been Ibos, but they fled to their tribal home in eastern Nigeria soon after thousands of Ibos were massacred in northern Nigeria in September, 1966. When the eastern region seceded and called itself Biafra in May, 1967, these civil servants remained there. Besides lacking experience, the new Nigerian information officers also had the disadvantage of working for a military government...

New Mission to Africa

New Mission to Africa

New Mission to Africa

New Mission to Africa

New Mission to Africa

January 13, 1969
January 1969

New Mission to Africa
The article discusses various aspects of the U.S. foreign policy in Africa. For years, the American Federation of Labor & Congress of Industrial Organization (AFL-CIO) has pursued its own foreign policy in Latin America and now it is turning to Africa. In January 1968 Vice President H. Humphrey visited Kenya with a large party that included executive director Irving Brown. Despite unpopularity Brown's African American Labor Center was set up in 1965 in Kenya. The Center often gives office equipment and cars to African unions or creates vocational training schools. But the Center also tries to fulfill the traditional AFL-CIO role of helping non-Communist unions fight alleged Communist union.

Pomp or Carnage

Pomp or Carnage

Pomp or Carnage

Pomp or Carnage

Pomp or Carnage

August 26, 1968
August 1968

Pomp or Carnage
Little can be done to save the lives of those bloat-bellied children of Biafra until the civil war in Nigeria is over. That is the heart of the matter; all else is peripheral. The pitiable pictures in the London press, the stricken conscience of the British people, the rush of volunteers to feed and nurse Biafran babies, the American powdered milk piling high on the docks of Lagos, the mad scrambling of relief workers to crack Nigerian inefficiency and push the supplies somewhere, somehow — all mean little as long as the war goes on. Some idealists believe that the world’s indignation, outcry and shamed anger over the thousands dying in Biafra will force the two sides to end their war, in the name of decency and humanity, but that is doubtful. “No group can stop a war because people are dying,” said Alison Ayida, an influential Nigerian civil servant, in a meeting with foreign newsmen in Lagos recently. “It’s never been done in a war before, and it won’t be done in Nigeria — unless you stop the cause of the war. That’s what war is all about.” The federal government feels that it is about to crush the rebellion in Biafra, and it is in no mood to be cheated of this victory by pictures of starving children...

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans

May 13, 1968
May 1968

Letter from Cape Town - Telling it in Afrikaans
Complete apartheid reigns at the winery of fictional Jock Silberstein: white wine is bottled by colored girls in white uniforms while red wine is bottled by white girls in brown uniforms. Jock Silberstein is a creation of Etienne Leroux, an Afrikaner novelist who explores sex, evil and decadence, and sometimes treats Afrikaners and apartheid with mocking irony. By doing so, Leroux and André P. Brink, another Afrikaner novelist who is like him, desert the traditional way of the pastoral, patriotic and puritanical Afrikaans novel. The Afrikaner literary set in South Africa likes to describe the new novels of Leroux and Brink as "the renaissance in Afrikaans prose.” That’s overblowing it, but the novels do have significance, for politics as well as art. Afrikaner nationalists have long looked on their language, which comes from 17th-century Dutch, as more than a means of expression; to them, it is an end in itself. Using Afrikaans glorifies nationalism. Extreme nationalist Afrikaners, convinced that Leroux and Brink use it in a way that soils Afrikaner nationalism, now condemn the two writers as traitors to their culture. After the Boer War, Afrikaners, descendants of the early Dutch settlers, tried to avenge the humiliation and indignities of their defeat by intensifying their belief in the worth of their own culture...

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides

December 25, 1967
December 1967

Congo - The Mercenaries Change Sides
The white mercenaries of the Congo, now in rebellion, have humiliated black men everywhere in Africa, and by doing so shattered some of the self-confidence that Africans need to run their affairs well. Moreover, some Africans have struck out at whites to assuage this humiliation, and the beatings and killings have torn relations between white men and black men over the continent. These are terrible consequences. Yet it is pointless to condemn these confused, aimless and distorted men. Their role in the Congo was created by others. The rebellion of the mercenaries was the legacy of an attempt by the United States Government to stage-manage the unmanageable Congo. Using them worked for a while; then they flew out of hand. Why blame them?...

Breakup in Nigeria

Breakup in Nigeria

Breakup in Nigeria

Breakup in Nigeria

Breakup in Nigeria

October 9, 1967
October 1967

Breakup in Nigeria
Two simple posters explain the civil war in Nigeria. The first, a thin strip, was glued to the walls and windows of most public buildings in Enugu, the capital of Eastern Nigeria, a few weeks before the region seceded on May 30 to become the Republic of Biafra. The poster shows four men. Three look alike, obviously Ibos, the dominant tribe of the east. The fourth man is a Hausa from Northern Nigeria. “This Is Your Region,” the poster says, “Report Any Strange Face to the Police.” The second poster, a little larger and more colorful, was slapped all over Lagos, the federal capital of Nigeria, a few weeks before federal troops invaded Biafra on July 6, the beginning of the civil war. This poster shows a monstrous drawing of the severed head of Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu, the ruler of Biafra, lying under the heavy combat boot of a Nigerian soldier. “Crush Rebellion,” the poster says...

Our Stake in Apartheid

Our Stake in Apartheid

Our Stake in Apartheid

Our Stake in Apartheid

Our Stake in Apartheid

August 16, 1965
August 1965

Our Stake in Apartheid
In 1963, during a Security Council debate on apartheid, politician Adlai Stevenson announced dramatically that the U.S. had banned all sale of arms to the Republic of South Africa. The step had been taken, he said, to show U.S. government's deep concern that South Africa refused to abandon its racist policies. In March 1963, a reactor went critical at a research center near Pretoria, and South Africa joined the nuclear age. The feat was made possible by the firm that designed and built the equipment: Allis-Chalmers of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

The Impact of Medicare

The Impact of Medicare

The Impact of Medicare

The Impact of Medicare

The Impact of Medicare

May 3, 1965
May 1965

The Impact of Medicare
This article focuses on the Medicare bill that has been proposed in the U.S. Congress. Medicare - as passed by the House - would discourage hospitals from making arrangements that would draw specialists into a comprehensive medical center. Every hospital under Medicare would have to follow the lead of the most progressive hospitals, and appoint a committee to review cases periodically, to see that no doctor was keeping his patient in the hospital too long. Another provision on the bill allows federal pressure on medical practices.

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget

September 28, 1964
September 1964

Lie Detectors - Trial by Gadget
Lie Detectors - The Industry, the Technology and the Victims. The first lie detector, employed centuries ago, was a handful of rice dropped into the mouth of a suspect. If the rice stayed dry while he answered questions, he clearly was a liar — exposed under the questionable theory that a liar's salivary glands would dry up when gripped by fear. The lie detector used most commonly today is far more sophisticated. Developed by the psychologist and criminologist Leonard Keeler almost forty years ago, it comprises a pneumatic tube that fits across a subject's chest to measure breathing, an inflatable rubber cuff that wraps around the arm to measure blood pressure and a pair of electrodes that touch the fingers and, by the flow of current, measure the dampness of the palm. These instruments activate pens that draw wiggles and waves on a rolling sheet of paper — a process that gives the lie detector its modern name, polygraph, Greek for "many writings." In theory, an examiner can look at the chart, note any unusual wiggles and waves, and nab his man. This polygraph, obviously more complicated than a few grains of rice, is also touted as more accurate. In truth, it is not...
No items found.

Get Your Gun From the Army

Get Your Gun From the Army

Get Your Gun From the Army

Get Your Gun From the Army

Get Your Gun From the Army

June 8, 1964
June 1964

Get Your Gun From the Army
This article focuses on the possibility that the assassination of former U.S. President John F. Kennedy might harm the U.S. Army's civilian marksmanship program due to public revulsion to the weapon which was used in the murder. The Army oversees civilian marksmanship through its National Board for the Promotion of Rifle Practice, which is headed by Colonel John K. Lee. The board sets up instruction programs, organizes the annual National Rifle and Pistol Matches, and markets used guns to the public. It does all this through the National Rifle Association (NRA). The Army sells rifles at cost to civilians only if they are members of the NRA, and it gives instruction to gun clubs only if they are affiliated with the NRA.
No items found.

The Dodge City Syndrome

The Dodge City Syndrome

The Dodge City Syndrome

The Dodge City Syndrome

The Dodge City Syndrome

May 4, 1964
May 1964

The Dodge City Syndrome
A peculiar disease has been isolated by medical scientists in the United States. The disease was first discovered by physician J.V. Brown in the "Western Journal of Surgery." Commerce houses are now marketing products designed to cope with it. Statistics on incidence and morbidity are scanty and the name of the disease is hazy. Some doctors call it "the fast draw syndrome"; others, "the Dodge City syndrome." It is most prevalent, of course, among the numerous special gun clubs that have sprouted across the land in recent years. Members, taking a leaf out of days of yore and some scripts of today, draw guns from their holster, quick as lightning and fire away. Unlike their legendary heroes they don't shoot at one another but aim at balloons. Sometimes though they miss the balloon and hit themselves in the right foot. Brown observed sixteen cases of the syndrome before writing his article "Gunshot Wounds of Lower Extremity: Fast Draw Syndrome." The typical case of the fast draw syndrome according to Browne is a young man in his late teens or early twenties who presents with a small calibre gunshot wound of the lower extremity, accidentally self-inflicted, while practicing a fast 'draw.'
No items found.

Meddling in Latin America

Meddling in Latin America

Meddling in Latin America

Meddling in Latin America

Meddling in Latin America

February 10, 1964
February 1964

Meddling in Latin America
According to the executive council of AFL-CIO, the so-called trade unions of Soviet Union are nothing but agencies of communist dictatorship. This implies that the unions in The U.S. are anything but agencies of government and big business. British Guiana is a good place to begin. The situation in British Guiana is far more complicated than that and its generous aid has involved the AFL-CIO in racial and political strife. In addition, not all the aid given by the AFL-CIO has come from the labor treasury. In British Guiana, as elsewhere in Latin America, the AFL-CIO has operated with money supplied by the United States Government and big business.
No items found.

The Two Goldwaters

The Two Goldwaters

The Two Goldwaters

The Two Goldwaters

The Two Goldwaters

October 29, 1963
October 1963

The Two Goldwaters
The article presents information about U.S. politics. The Republican candidate Barry Goldwater presented his precise views on the problem of civil rights. First, he made it clear that he considered States' rights the cornerstone of the republic. He did not see any conflict between States' rights and civil rights. On any particular issue, either one or the other counted, never both. Voting, for example, was clearly a civil right, and no state had the right to take this away from an individual. Goldwater stayed with these views as late as the University of Mississippi crisis last year.

Blowing Barry's Horn

Blowing Barry's Horn

Blowing Barry's Horn

Blowing Barry's Horn

Blowing Barry's Horn

July 27, 1963
July 1963

Blowing Barry's Horn
This article reports the National Draft Goldwater Independence Day Rally, staged by the National Draft Goldwater Committee, held on July 4, 1963, in Washington, D.C. This Republican national convention was held for convincing every participants, specially politicians and reporters, to nominate Republican Barry Goldwater. The arranging Committee was headed by Texas Republican Chairman Peter O'Donnell, Jr. The main focus during the convention was on youths. The young people much preferred to think of their so-called hero, Goldwater. The rally was much dominated by youth and Dixie.

Attention to the Africans

Attention to the Africans

Attention to the Africans

Attention to the Africans

Attention to the Africans

February 2, 1963
February 1963

Attention to the Africans
Reviews two books about Africa. "The Human Factor in Changing Africa," by Melville J. Herskovits; "Copper Town: Changing Africa. The Human Situation on the Rhodesian Copperbelt," by Hortense Powdermaker.
The Human Factor in Changing AfricaCopper Town: Changing Africa. The Human Situation on the Rhodesian Copperbelt
No items found.

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)

September 9, 1961
September 1961

Selling Militarism to America (Part II)
This article presents information on the public relations set-up of U.S. armed forces. One of the most significant works involving the public relations group of the U.S. armed forces is to capture mass media's attention to military propaganda's. In this context, the U.S. Dept. of Defense cooperates with various Hollywood producers in their endeavor of producing movies or television shows that shows U.S. armed forces in good light. The audio-visual division of the department scrutinizes scripts thoroughly before extending any sort of cooperation. A fixed set of guidelines is present to this effect which needs to be followed while approving scripts. The cooperation extended by the department helps producers save a lot of money.

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America

September 2, 1961
September 1961

The Brass Trumpet - Selling Militarism to America
IN THE SPRING of this year, Martin Burke, Gilbert Bauer and David Figlestahler, pupils of the Holy Redeemer Elementary School in Portsmouth, Ohio, wrote a letter to Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara. In the event of war, Russian troops “will be landing inside our borders,” they told the Secretary. If that comes to pass, “the American people will defend this country in a last ditch, to the death stand, along with the military.” The civilian population must train itself for this future. “Please send us any able weapons,” the schoolboys asked. They listed recoilless rifles, antitank guns, bazookas, mortars, machine guns, browning automatic rifles and submachine guns. Martin, Gilbert and David said the weapons would help them learn about arms and would “help us prepare ourselves for our future military service.” The boys closed with a compliment: “We the senders of this letter are in full accord with your conduction of your duties so far as Secretary of Defence” [sic]. Although the schoolboys had not learned their spelling, they had learned other lessons well, for they are growing up in a time when all the channels of communication and education overflow with images of war and might and glory, images that tend to obscure the views of death and destruction that linger from other times and other lands...

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways

April 1, 1961
April 1961

The Federal Highway Program - Super-Graft on Superhighways
IN 1975, Americans will have 111 million cars, trucks and buses. To keep these wheels rolling, the federal government has embarked on the biggest public-works project in history, spending billions of dollars for 41,000 miles of superhighways crisscrossing the nation. Millions of this money already, have been spilled over into waste, inefficiency and fraud. There is nothing secret about this. Newspapers and Congress have uncovered scandal after scandal. But the revelations have not evoked the same indignation and outcries that scandals like the Dave Beck plunder of the Teamsters treasury have caused. Instead, much of the public has a boys-will-be-boys attitude about corrupt highways. When you spend 41 billion dollars in a public program, influential and impatient people say, you have to expect some tomfoolery, so let’s get on with the show. Americans want their highways in a hurry. “When you have a program of this magnitude,” Rep. Gordon H. Scherer, (R.-Ohio), told the House last July 1, “you are bound to attract the chiselers and the grafters.”...

Cuba's Frenzied Culture

Cuba's Frenzied Culture

Cuba's Frenzied Culture

Cuba's Frenzied Culture

Cuba's Frenzied Culture

December 24, 1960
December 1960

Cuba's Frenzied Culture
IN ARTES PLASTICAS, one of the government cultural magazines spawned by the Castro revolution, Manuel Diaz Martinez writes that “the artist must learn to help purify the revolutionary conscience of our Latin American brothers without ceasing to be an artist, without submerging his art in politics.” These words — surely contradictory — bare the dilemma of culture in Cuba today. Like all other revolutions, the Cuban upheaval of social and political institutions has stimulated a companion effort to uproot cultural institutions and nourish new and vital theatre, music, art, movies and writing. But this new culture can also wither under the upheaval’s propaganda demands. In Castro’s Cuba, no one doubts that cultural life today is busy, almost frenzied, but no one can be sure it is vital. Havana offers abundant evidence of activity: commercial and government playhouses show a varied theatrical fare. Foreign ballet and musical troupes, some of the world’s best, visit the city often; seats are available for the government admission price of 25c...

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico

December 3, 1960
December 1960

The Governor and the Bishops - What Happened in Puerto Rico
LUIS MUNOZ MARIN, Puerto Rico’s first elected Governor, remains in La Fortaleza. He sits in the Governor’s Palace, confident and pleased, for the jibaros of the mountains and countryside, in overwhelming numbers, have defied their Roman Catholic bishops to elect him to a fourth term. But, while confident and pleased, he also is uneasy. Despite his victory, a threat lingers, perhaps not to his power, but (more important) to the political stability of Puerto Rico. And, while the threat evolves primarily from clericalism, part of the threat also stems from Muñoz Marín himself. During the campaign, the flare-up over the tactics of the bishops, who issued two pastoral letters forbidding Catholics to vote for Muñoz Marín, obscured some of the political problems of Puerto Rico — the very problems that set the climate for the letters. The Governor’s rout of the new Christian Action Party, a creature of the bishops, tended to fill his supporters, particularly abroad, with a heady optimism, blinding them to the dangers still enveloping democracy on the island...

Twilight for Trujillo

Twilight for Trujillo

Twilight for Trujillo

Twilight for Trujillo

Twilight for Trujillo

November 12, 1960
November 1960

Twilight for Trujillo
THE UNITED STATES hovers over the Dominican Republic these days, waiting eagerly for a reward. The reasoning is simple: Everyone sees that the regime of Generalissimo Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina is tottering; everyone knows the State Department nudged it a bit; surely, after the crash, the new regime will embrace the nudger. But, in the chaos and anger that will follow the fall, there will be no embrace. The sudden anti-Trujillo policy of the United States and the dramatic condemnation of the Dominican Republic by the Organization of American States (OAS) at San Jose have come too late to avert what State Department planners fear most: an anti-American, Castro-leaning successor to Trujillo. For thirty years, the United States has bolstered the brutal tyranny of El Benefactor. Now that his enemies have him on the run, the United States has jumped to their side. For the final push, this new aid may be accepted and used; but the United States will receive in return only a few cold stares, a polite nod, contempt, smoldering bitterness. However, there are degrees of bitterness and contempt, and the exact character of the post-Trujillo regime will depend on the forces used to overthrow the Generalissimo...

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar

July 23, 1960
July 1960

Cuba - The Politics of Sugar
TO AT LEAST one Congressman, a sugar bill posed no problem. The issue was simple, Representative William E. Miller of New York, chairman of the Republican Congressional Committee, told his colleagues: You are either for Castro or against him. Since few praises for Castro have sounded through the chambers of Congress recently, Miller’s analysis, if accurate, meant that a sugar bill could be legislated with ease, speed and clarity. But the analysis was far from accurate, and when Congress, after a twenty-three-hour session during the Fourth of July weekend, finally did bring forth a sugar bill, its haggard members looked neither easy nor speedy nor clear. Their decisions had been shaped and pounded by unceasing and sometimes contradictory pressures — pressures so varied, fascinating and obvious that even a hurried survey of them can reveal some of the realities within our legislative process. The story of the 1960 Sugar Act is a case history in American politics. Despite Miller, the issues turned on much more than an attitude toward the Cuban Premier...

Charade of Civil Defense

Charade of Civil Defense

Charade of Civil Defense

Charade of Civil Defense

Charade of Civil Defense

June 11, 1960
June 1960

Charade of Civil Defense
ONCE A YEAR America dances in a comic ballet against the backdrop of a world of terror. The dance masters call their creation, Operation Alert, fitting it snugly into a continuous show entitled, Civil Defense. This year’s show took place May 3. In New York, Civil Defense authorities qualified the Men’s Bar at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel as a shelter area, and 100 men continued to sip their highballs as three mythical nuclear bombs hurtled toward the city. At Yankee Stadium, bleacherites cowered under the stands while more affluent customers remained in their comfortable grandstand seats. Several Manhattan firms stopped work, but one company declared its 400 employees “automatically dead” and kept them on the job. In Washington, Congress ignored the drill, and President Eisenhower spent the day elsewhere. Only one top government official scurried from the city to his secret command post in Virginia - Leo A. Hoegh, Director of the Office of Civil Defense and Mobilization. The State Department set a new record as 4,000 employees tucked their secret papers into safes and rushed from the building in eight minutes (previous record: twelve minutes). Fifty-five schools stayed out of the drill, serving as polling places for the District of Columbia’s Presidential primary...

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists

May 21, 1960
May 1960

Letter From Washington - Congress of Writers and Artists
THE BRUISED cultural feelings of Washington received a fillip of sorts during the week of April 17, when twenty-eight writers and artists from eleven countries assembled for an annual congress sponsored by the capital’s Institute of Contemporary Arts and financed by the Ford Foundation. The roster included Italian Nobel-Prize poet Salvatore Quasimodo, American poets Richard Eberhart, Stanley Kunitz and Allen Tate, England’s critic-poet Sir Herbert Read and potter Bernard Leach, French poet Yves Bonnefoy and Brazilian novelist Erico Verissimo. Keeping close to a prepared schedule, they ate, drank and partied together, delivered lectures, plunged into panel discussions, declaimed poetry and exchanged views on the theme of the congress — the status of the artist. Leach even potted. While these activities did not tear headlines from the other major events of the week (the convening of the Daughters of the American Revolution and the opening of the Washington Senators’ annual drive to soar higher than eighth place), enough occurred to make Washington cultural buffs puff out their chests and, for at least a week, forget Howard Taubman...

Small-Arms Race

Small-Arms Race

Small-Arms Race

Small-Arms Race

Small-Arms Race

April 16, 1960
April 1960

Small-Arms Race
ON MARCH 4, the 4,309-ton French freighter La Coubre, carting seventy-six tons of Belgian grenades and ammunition to the army of Fidel Castro, exploded in Havana harbor, killing more than seventy-five seamen, dock workers and firefighters. The series of deadly blasts triggered a series of sensational questions that hit headlines in both the United States and Cuba. Had an American agent or anti-Castro Cuban slipped aboard and left a time bomb in the hold? Had a careless dock worker dropped a match into the munitions? Had a cargo net snapped, unleashing crates of grenades against the deck? Had a plane sneaked low across the harbor and tossed bombs into the freighter? Other questions, tinged with less excitement, were also evoked. But, too theoretical, old and uncomfortable, they made few headlines. They are questions which have arisen time after time, applied to incident after incident, in the last decade. Their most cogent expression came from Colombian liberal Eduardo Santos in 1955. “Against whom are we Latin Americans arming ourselves?” he cried out before a Columbia University forum...

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight

February 20, 1960
February 1960

Federal Narcotics Czar - Zeal Without Insight
In the world of U.S. Commissioner of Narcotics H J Anslinger, the drug addict is an “immoral, vicious, social leper,” who cannot escape responsibility for his actions, who must feel the force of swift, impartial punishment. This world of Anslinger does not belong to him alone. Bequeathed to all of us, it vibrates with the consciousness of twentieth-century America. Anslinger, however, has been its guardian. As America’s first and only Commissioner of Narcotics, he has spent much of his lifetime insuring that society stamp its retribution in to the soul of the addict. In his thirty years as Commissioner (Anslinger is now sixty-seven), he has listened to a chorus of steady praise. Admirers have described him as “the greatest living authority on the world narcotics traffic,” a man who “deserves a medal of honor for his advanced thought,” “one of the greatest men that ever lived,” a public servant whose work “will insure his place in history with men such as Jenner, Pasteur, Semmelweiss, Walter Reed, Paul Ehrlich, and the host of other conquerors of scourges that have plagued the human race.” But some discordant notes, especially in recent years, have broken through this chorus...

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art

December 19, 1959
December 1959

Letter from Mexico - Mexican Art
MEXICO CITY’S Palace of Fine Arts assigns one of its salons to modern art and another to Mexican art, but both, like all the others, exhibit the same kind of paintings. In tiers of galleries, this huge museum offers little but work by twentieth-century Mexicans. A first look is far from a dull experience. Eager for more, I marched from room to room, excited by a mural still in progress, by the stark perspective of Siqueiros, by the cluttered symbols of Rivera, by the bright colors and stunted figures of young artists, by the mystery of a powerful art spawned in a political revolution. Only later did doubt creep in. Where do young Mexicans go, I wondered, to find out about Botticelli or El Greco or Rembrandt or Degas or Picasso or de Kooning? Later, at the small Antonio Souza Gallery, the American manager discussed her related problem. The gallery displayed numerous canvases by Leo Rosshandler, a Dutch painter living in Mexico, who paints huge, frightening birds in thick blacks, browns and whites. Although visitors gazed long and quietly at them, sales were meager. “The Mexican public has not been educated beyond Mexican nationalistic art,” the manager said. “They want the usual paintings of the Indian woman with her rebozo and little child.”During my stay, a brisk controversy in the newspapers, stirred by José Luis Cuevas, has emphasized the significance of the gallery’s problem...

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails

October 10, 1959
October 1959

Hidden Censors: The Post Office Polices the Mails
IT IS fashionable in literary circles to snicker at Arthur E. Summerfield, the former Chevrolet dealer who may have produced one of the most publicized cases of poor judgment in the history of criticism. But the Postmaster General merely carried the logic of traditional Post Office procedures to their proper conclusion. Through the years, these procedures have led to the seizure of Tolstoy’s Kreutzer Sonata, Boccaccio’s Decameron, Aristophanes’ Lysistrata, Hemingway’s For Whom the Bell Tolls and Caldwell’s Tobacco Road as obscene literature, and Sholom Aleichem’s Bewitched Tailor, abolitionist pamphlets, discussions of the French Revolution, the Economist (London), and a Russian chess book as political propaganda. Vested with these traditional powers of censorship, Summerfield, a man who admits to reading little fiction, decided that D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover “taken as a whole, is an obscene and filthy work”; literary critics and at least one federal judge decided otherwise. Snickering at this difference in judgment seems like misplaced energy. Rather than examine the critical faculties of Summerfield, it would make more sense to examine the censorship powers of the Post Office...

Theatre in Mexico

Theatre in Mexico

Theatre in Mexico

Theatre in Mexico

Theatre in Mexico

September 19, 1959
September 1959

Theatre in Mexico
MEXICO CITY’S Concordia, a restaurant doubling as a playhouse, introduced me to Mexican theatre. As I approached the place, several young people were milling about on the street in front, including a huge ruffian with a black eye. Spotting him, I thought that excursions to the Mexican stage were perhaps not for me. But, suddenly, he pushed open the door and jumped into the restaurant, the others rushing after him. My ruffian and his friends were actors waiting for their cues during the evening’s first performance of Las cosas simples (The Simple Things), a play by a twenty-seven-year-old Mexican, Hector Mendoza. Inside, watching the second performance, I discovered that mistaking actors for spectators was part of the production’s charm. The play was about life in a diner near a college, and the Concordia looked just like that. The actors performed around a luncheon counter and five tables in front, while the audience munched their supper and followed the play from the other twenty-five tables. At times the actors moved into the audience to borrow a napkin or ask for a match — on one occasion, to kiss a bald patron on the head. The Concordia and Las cosas simples, which evoked a Saroyanesque atmosphere, are not entirely typical of Mexican theatre, but they offered a promise that the Mexican stage bristled with vitality. Several weeks of theatre-going have fulfilled that promise...

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion

August 29, 1959
August 1959

Letter from Washington - Coffee ‘n Confusion
A potful of hot water gurgled down on us as we waited, caught in a giggling, shoving crowd, outside Washington’s Coffee ‘n Confusion Club, a beatnik haven marking its first Saturday night of business in the nation’s capital. An irate neighbor in an upstairs apartment had tossed out the hot but not boiling water. The sprinkles from above alighting on the sprinkle of beards in the crowd symbolized one of the oddest clashes in the history of this clash-ridden federal town. For several months now, the prudery of Washington has been at war with the rebellion of its youth. The war started when a 24-year-old self-styled poet, William A. Walker, decided to open his club. Following the style of shops in San Francisco’s North Beach, it would sell coffee, pastries, biscuits, cream cheese, bagels and poetry. But Walker and his wife, Ruth, a 22-year-old graduate of Vassar, erred strategically in their first attempt by failing to consult officialdom before opening. Zoning laws promptly descended upon them, and police shut down the shop. In their second attempt, the Walkers, moving gingerly, followed every step of the law. They found an abandoned cellar restaurant at 945 K Street, Northwest, rented it, decorated it, and applied for a license. And then the smug traditions of Washington, sensing that the venture might succeed, began to stir and swat at this pesky, tiny threat of non-conformity...

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast

May 30, 1959
May 1959

The Lost Dreams of Howard Fast
For many years Howard Fast the Communist obscured our view of Howard Fast the writer. Flaunting contempt at Congress, issuing tracts against "bourgeois, decadent" authors, rallying sympathy for the Soviet Union, he stood between us and his books and kept us from a special insight into the intellect of an American Communist. Fast, who has left the party, may have represented, in some ways, the essence of America's own brand of communism. The clues to understanding him as a Communist lie in understanding him as a writer. Fast's novels had tremendous circulation in the Communist world after World War II and, in fact, enjoyed much popularity here until the press advertised his link with the Communist Party in the late 1940s. His Soviet popularity ended when he left the party in 1957. Although his resignation helped reopen doors to American publishers and movie producers, most of the fiction of his Communist period has remained unread here. We have slipped Fast into our stereotype of the ex-Communist and perfunctorily welcomed him as one more defector who finally has seen the light...

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival

April 12, 1958
April 1958

Letter from New Orleans - Inter-American Music Festival
THE FIRST Inter-American Music Festival opens April 18 in Washington. The festival originally had been scheduled for April of last year, and New Orleans, which aspires to be the modern hub of the Americas, was the site chosen. The selection aimed to blend the old musical tradition of the city with the more recent Latin American hue that has covered the port commercially. But several months before the scheduled opening, with almost all commissioned music completed, officials mysteriously called everything off. And the music has marked time for a year. In calling off the event, the authorities concerned mumbled an odd excuse: the postponement was due to a delay in construction of an outdoor concert stage near the shores of Lake Pontchartrain. This was the first inkling most New Orleanians had that anyone ever contemplated building such a stage, and since then there has not been another scrap of information about it. Last December 8, The New York Times, while discussing the upcoming event in Washington, offered a more logical excuse: the festival was postponed last year so that it would not conflict with the program of the Institucion Jose Angel Lamas in Caracas and the Casals Festival in Puerto Rico. But this, while justifying a change of time, does not explain the change of place. Both the initial announcement and the Times interpretation were too polite to hit the mark. New Orleans did not have a music festival last year because its businessmen, who have spent quantities of money and energy in the last fifteen years to attract Latin American trade, did not feel like wasting either to attract Latin American culture. The roots of the difficulty stretch to the nineteenth century, when New Orleans was the center of French Opera in the United States...

Theatre - Ewing Poteet

Theatre - Ewing Poteet

Theatre - Ewing Poteet

Theatre - Ewing Poteet

Theatre - Ewing Poteet

September 1, 1956
September 1956

Theatre - Ewing Poteet
“NOBODY outside of New Orleans gives a hoot about Ewing Poteet,” claims Ewing Poteet, a smiling, rumpled ex-fiddler, as he goes about his business of trying to whirl the excitement of theatre into the heart of New Orleans. He plies one of the odd American trades. About 1,500 miles from Broadway, Poteet, drama critic for the New Orleans Item, covers the waterfront of theatre — the amateur clubs, the touring companies, the college shows. He covers the stuff few give a hoot about. No one seems to care if Poteet dulls or excites taste for theatre. No one cares if he is foolish or brilliant, if he upholds theatre or sneers at it, if he knows how to write. Yet most Americans turn to writers like Poteet when they want news and comment about theatre. At least 140,000,000 Americans do not read Brooks Atkinson every morning. The words of the New York Times drama critic or his Broadway colleagues make no impression on millions who, by harsh chance, live outside metropolitan New York. The forty-four-year-old Poteet, in his seventh year as Item critic, is more than just his newspaper’s theatre man. Most non-New York critics are the drama-music-movie-radio-television-nightclub-book-phonograph-art editors of their outfits. While Poteet does not dabble in all these beats, he does have an added chore: he spends half his journalistic hours covering the civil courts of New Orleans...