It was always inevitable that the new black African governments, insecure and nervous and sensitive to even the shadow of a threat to their authority, would lash out at the Jehovah's Witnesses. After all, this strange, fanatic, fundamentalist sect not only was among the first victims of the Nazis in Germany but was harassed for years by outraged local governments in the United States. Since the independence of most of black Africa, the Witnesses have been banned or restricted in Malawi, Gabon, Cameroun, Zambia, Guinea, Tanzania and Kenya. The sect's most terrible troubles came in Malawi last year and its most recent in Kenya this year. There are relatively few Jehovah's Witnesses in Africa, perhaps 250,000 on a continent of 340 million. They can hardly be called more than a minor irritant. But the threat of their presence has been exaggerated by African leaders unsure of their political power, intolerant of opposition, equipped with fragile institutions, and frustrated by their failure to make nations out of hostile tribes. As ever, the problem stems from the attitude of the Witnesses toward governmental authority. Founded in the United States by Charles Taze Russell in the 1890s, the Witnesses believe that governments are part of "Satan's world.” In their view, therefore, God's authority is always greater than the authority of any government...

Ten years ago, I left New York on a dark, snow-lashed night and stepped down the next day into the morning glare of Dakar, in Senegal. It was an exciting, expectant time for the newly independent countries of Africa. Since that moment in Dakar, I have spent most of the last decade in Africa. Those ten years did not transform a gullible fool into a mean and narrow cynic, but I feel more critical, more doubtful, more skeptical, more pessimistic than I did in 1962. I still feel sympathetic and understanding. But I have learned that sympathy and understanding are not enough. Africa needs to be looked at with cold hardness as well. There have been more disappointments than accomplishments in Africa in the ten years. Two events — the Nigerian civil war and the assassination of Tom Mboya — struck like body blows at the sympathies of an outsider. The war was probably the greatest scourge in black Africa since the slave trade, and it was largely self-made. Murder cut down the man who seemed most to represent all that was modern in new Africa, and it was probably done for the glory of tribal chauvinism. On top of this, the decade has produced a host of other unpleasant events...

The Republic of Chad has been independent for more than a decade. But its capital still displays a monument to Commandant Lamy, the French officer slain while conquering Chad at the beginning of the century. “He died,” the monument says, “for France and Civilization.” In many ways, that monument in Fort-Lamy tells an outsider almost all there is to know about the relations of France with most of its fifteen former colonies in black Africa. Though independent, most French-speaking African countries still feel an extraordinary kinship with France. Their leaders would never offend their former masters by tearing down a colonial monument, no matter how offensive it might seem. In fact, they probably agree with the sentiments set forth by this particular monument. French Africans are proud to have been colonized by France. The French conquest gave them civilization. An outsider finds numerous examples of common interest. It is no accident that President Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast is trying to lead black Africa into an accommodation with South Africa at the same time that France is trying to increase its trade with South Africa. Nor was it an accident that the Ivory Coast and Gabon recognized Biafra while Charles de Gaulle shipped arms there during the Nigerian civil war...

LANCE SPEARMAN is a nattily dressed detective who sports a straw hat, bowtie and goatee. He likes Scotch on the rocks, buxom women, El Greco cheroots, and fast cars. He uses reverse karate kicks, his fists, and a hand gun to bring down such enemies as Zollo, the Mermolls, and Countess Scarlett. He is the black James Bond and the most popular fictional character in Africa today. In almost every English-speaking town of Africa, young men, most with no more than five years of schooling, sit on the sidewalks and read the weekly picture magazines that chronicle the adventures of Lance Spearman and other heroes like Fearless Fang, who is the black facsimile of Tarzan, or the Stranger, who is the black Lone Ranger. In Kenya, for example, the adventures of Lance Spearman have a greater circulation than any of the daily newspapers. This phenomenon of popular culture suggests a good deal about the tastes of ordinary semi-educated young men in the African towns — their yearning, their uncertain identification with the fringes of Western culture, their need for fancy in a harsh urban world. The magazines are known in the publishing trade as "look-reads." In effect they are photographed comics that resemble comic books, except that the action is photographed instead of drawn. Little balloons of dialogue appear over the heads of the characters...

When he gets to reviewing American images and interventions abroad, President Nixon might start with the way in which the State Department and other U.S. Government agencies overseas are sometimes upstaged by an old foe of his — American labor. For years, the AFL-CIO has pursued its own foreign policy in Latin America, boasting, among other things, of how it helped to bring down Cheddi Jagan in British Guiana (now Guyana). Now it is turning to Africa. Since the AFL-CIO activity there is fairly new, that might be a good place for President Nixon to choke it off. In its foreign operations, American labor sometimes acts, or tries to act, as an arm of the U.S. Government. But it can be an uncontrollable arm. In January, 1968, for example, Vice President Humphrey visited Kenya with a large party that included Irving Brown, executive director of the African American Labor Center, the main agency for AFL-CIO’s activities on that continent. American Ambassador Glenn W. Ferguson thought it unwise to include Brown because he is disliked by many Kenya leaders, who believe he has shown too much favoritism to Minister for Economic Planning Tom Mboya...

The Portuguese believe they have a special kind of colonialism that makes them different from other imperialists. In the Portuguese view, their kind of inspired colonialism gives them the right to stay in Africa during an era of black independence and the duty to stay in the face of African rebellion. They say their colonialism is special because of its tenure and nonracial quality. They believe that five centuries of rule tie their nation to Africa and that Portuguese colonialism creates societies that are color-blind and color-blended. Both beliefs are delusions. The Portuguese like to show visitors the Isle of Mozambique, a crowded, tiny, historic island off the northern coast of Mozambique in East Africa. Vasco da Gama, the great Portuguese explorer, found the island in 1498 while looking for a sea route to India. The island is engulfed in history, almost five centuries of Portuguese history. It was the capital and chief port of the Portuguese in East Africa until late in the nineteenth century. Its hot streets are crowded with Arabs, black Africans, Indians, Portuguese, and mulattoes. There are six old mosques and six old churches, fishing boats beached on the sand, and an enormous statue of Vasco da Gama in the square by the old Governor's Palace. The aging, yellowing buildings of the island face the streets with only a plain front and a gate showing. But inside, like the homes of the French Quarter in New Orleans, they have a special life of their own, with patios and gardens and arched passageways. The island is elegant and splendid, like all aging colonial cities. But it is no proof at all of a great Portuguese tradition in Africa. However dynamic, the island is a rare exception to the desultory development of Portuguese colonialism in Africa...

The current clamor over South Africa and the Olympics can be stripped to one issue. Is there any hope left for peacefully drawing South Africa out of its racist isolation? Those who still have hope felt comfortable with the International Olympic Committee's decision last week to let South Africa take part in the Olympic Games in Mexico City this October. In their view, the decision strengthens the hand of those white leaders in South Africa who are trying to change the racial policies of their country, at least a little. But the decision is abhorrent to those who have given up hope. In their view, the decision strengthens the hand of a racist government that, no matter how flexible, intends to maintain forever the basic race laws and policies of South Africa. In South Africa, participation in the Olympics has become a major political issue. Prime minister John B. Vorster has been attacked in scathing terms by members of the right wing of his Nationalist party for making concessions on race to the Olympic Committee...

Gained Rapport Mainly Through Vitality, Wit - The powers of his office are so limited that an American Vice President can bring Africa only good will and homilies and take back the same. That must be understood when trying to assess Vice President Humphrey's African tour. In his visit to nine countries in 12 days, Humphrey offered no new foreign aid projects, wrought no changes in American policy toward Africa, and solved no African problems. But he did show a flair for establishing rapport quickly with Africans, who liked his brashness, enthusiasm, vitality, frankness, wit, and interest. Without that rapport, the trip would have been lackluster and tepid, just like that of the last high-ranking American tour in Africa, Nicholas D. Katzenbach's, the phlegmatic undersecretary of state. Humphrey's trip seems to have been planned with two goals. The first was to demonstrate to African leaders that the United States, despite all its preoccupation with Vietnam, still cares about Africa. The second was to excite a little interest back home about American nonmilitary agencies abroad, like the Peace Corps, which is having trouble recruiting young people to its ranks, and the Agency for International Development, which is having trouble recruiting congressmen to its budget...

Much Pomp, Some Progress - There was so much pomp and vanity, even hypocrisy, at the summit conference of the Organization of African Unity last week that it was sometimes hard for an outsider to see the tiny but very real, significant and exciting steps forward. Young and weak, ashamed of its weakness, the OAU often likes to hide its lack of power under the trappings of power, wasting precious time and energy. This hurts the OAU, making it seem comic and pathetic, even when it is progressing. An example came in midweek when the 18 chiefs of state and government stopped work in the afternoon to help the Congolese government dedicate a memorial to Patrice Lumumba, the first prime minister of The Congo, the first martyr of independent Africa. The tone and meaning of the ceremonies reflected many of the ills that afflict leadership in Africa...

The leaders of Africa tried to push the white mercenaries out of the eastern Congo Wednesday with a demand, an offer and a threat. But all three were cloaked in such vagueness that it is doubtful they changed the situation in the Congo at all. The mercenaries, led by Col. Jean Schramme, still rule the city of Bukavu and still have the potential to disrupt the administration and economy of the eastern Congo just the way they have for more than two months. The African leaders, meeting at the annual summit conference of the Organization of African Unity, passed a resolution demanding that the mercenaries leave Bukavu, if necessary with the help of competent international bodies, presumably the Red Cross. This implied a safe conduct for the mercenaries. The OAU, which called its resolution a generous offer, based it on the assumption that Schramme and his 150 men want to leave and are tired of fighting for little purpose and no pay since their rebellion began July 5...

President Mobutu Scores Moral Victory Over Mercenaries Ruling Eastern Area - Eighteen African leaders marched past powder blue - uniformed, red-plumed Congolese honor guards to open the annual African summit conference Monday and give President Joseph D. Mobutu a moral victory over the white mercenaries who rule part of his eastern Congo. The 18 chiefs of state and governments represented less than half the membership of the Organization of African Unity, a meager percentage by most diplomatic standards. But the slight figure seems outsize and formidable in the Congo this week because, for two months, there have been doubts that any one at all would ever show up. Since July 5, the white mercenaries of Col. Jean Schramme have been in rebellion, disrupting the eastern Congo, humiliating the Congolese army and ruling the city of Bukavu...

Conferees Try to Ignore Col. Schramme's White Mercenaries, Nigerian Civil War - The Organization of African Unity opens the pageantry of its annual summit conference today with the main actors trying to shut their eyes to the two great problems tormenting Africa. The Nigerian civil war and the white mercenaries of Col. Jean Schramme may fill the thoughts and darken the spirits of the African foreign ministers meeting here now to discuss African problems and prepare the agenda for the fourth annual conference. But, so far, the ministers have managed to keep their pronouncements and the agenda free of the two embarrassments. The foreign ministers have faced diplomatic realities and concentrated on safer subjects, like the appointment of a special committee to choose an emblem for the OAU. The federal government of Nigeria insists that the civil war is nobody else's business, and the government of the Congo maintains that the white mercenaries are now of only trifling importance. And the OAU - at least its council of foreign ministers - is too weak to dispute them.

Undersecretary of State Nicholas D. Katzenbach is flitting through Africa these days on a frenetic trip that covers 12 countries in 18 days. Does the trip make sense? The answer seems to be that the trip has some limited significance for both the United States and Africa and that it probably made more sense to go than to stay at home. Katzenbach and the men around him say that the trip, which ends this coming weekend, has two objectives: 1 - To demonstrate American interest in African affairs. 2 - To educate the undersecretary about the continent. Katzenbach is the highest ranking American to visit Africa during the Johnson administration. His visit may persuade some heads of state that President Johnson is just as sympathetic to Africa as President Kennedy was. But he probably will fail to persuade Africans below the top level of government. For one thing, few Africans understand the importance of Katzenbach's job. In Kenya, for example, the press and radio continually call him the undersecretary of state for African affairs...

NO LONGER PROSELYTIZER'S PARADISE - Independence in Africa has left the missionary far behind. While there are more missionaries in Africa now than ever before, they have less influence, power and privilege than ever before. Their great day is over. When missionaries first came to Africa in the 19th century, hacking their way through the brush in tse-tse fly and malaria country, the continent seemed to them a proselytizer's paradise - millions of black heathens wallowing in darkness, awaiting the light of western Christianity. Missionaries rushed in with light. In doing so, they often became the vanguard of imperialism. Missionary demands and needs were influential in persuading European powers to grab chunks of land in the scramble for Africa at the turn of the century. In later colonial days, missionaries dispensed the magic that enabled some Africans to adjust to the ways of the Europeans...

African military rulers envision themselves as selfless soldiers working crisply and cleanly to lift their countries out of the morass of dirty politics. Unlike politicians, who must cater to petty interests in petty places, the soldiers believe they serve a higher code, a military code that puts honor and nation above self. The keynote for this was set by Lt. Gen. J.A. Ankrah, military ruler of Ghana, in early January when he welcomed the young officers who run Nigeria's federal government and four regional governments to a mediation conference in Aburi, Ghana. "We are soldiers," Ankrah told them, "and soldiers are always statesmen, not politicians." This is a myth, a foolish, fanciful, frivolous myth, and nowhere is it better demonstrated than here in Nigeria, a country ruled by soldiers now for 15 months. The soldiers are younger, more honest, more idealistic and more inexperienced than the politicians who came before, but they are pushed and shackled and inspired by the same political needs and demands, and they react in much the same way...

While visiting remote villages of Senegal, I have rarely seen a photograph of Leopold Senghor. Almost no one mentions his name. I doubt if more than a handful know who he is. He happens to be president of Senegal, president of their nation. But what does that word "nation" mean? Almost nothing to a remote villager in Senegal. He's loyal to his tribe. He knows there's some kind of strange government far off in a big city. But, as long as the government leaves him alone, he can take it or leave it. He never salutes its flag or sings its anthem or tacks up a picture of its president. This phenomenon in Senegal is a familiar one in Africa. Almost all African nations are nations in name only. Their people lack a sense of nationalism, a sense of loyalty to the central government, a sense of kinship with all other people who live in the country. This is a sore problem for African leaders trying to weld united countries out of tribes, religions and regions...

FIRST 10 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE WERE DISAPPOINTING - The first decade of African independence comes to a close tomorrow. The ten years began in heady, high anticipation. Now there's sober disappointment almost everywhere. Elitism, poor agricultural development, tribalism, weak political institutions, and disunity have marred the early promise. The disappointment is deepened because the early promise was overblown. People expected too much of Africa. They didn't understand it. They didn't realize the depth of its problems. Viewed against Africa's enormous poverty, its harsh land, its debilitating climate, its hardened ways, you can discern some success during the last 10 years. Africa has inched forward. That's a substantial achievement. The decade began on March 6, 1957, when Kwame Nkrumah led the British Gold Coast to independence. The new country, called Ghana, was the first British colony to win independence in tropical Africa...

Countries Often Waste Money, Equipment Through Lack of Organizational Ability - Foreign aid often fails in Africa because everyone thinks big when they should think small. Now there are faint signs of a change. Most important, the United States has decided to revamp its African aid policy. There may be smaller visions in the new look. In the past, U.S. officials, acting as if they were back home, have sometimes blinded themselves to the frailties and limitations of African governments. In West Cameroon, for example, the Agency for International Development (AID) gave the Ministry of Community Development six pieces of road-building equipment a few years ago. The gift was a meager one by American standards worth several thousand dollars but it overwhelmed the ministry and almost destroyed it...

The United States is changing its old ways of giving aid to Africa. Money will now flow to a few favored countries. For the rest, in the main, it will be slowly cut off. No official announcement has been made of the new policy. But bits and snatches have been revealed by State Department and Agency for International Development (AID) officials in private conversation and public speeches. The President's recent budget message to Congress had a passing reference to the new policy. The details can now be pieced together. Besides concentrating on a few countries, the United States will try to put some of its aid into regional economic projects that could help unify areas of the splintered continent. There also will be an attempt to channel some American aid through international organizations like the African Development Bank. To implement the new policy, the United States will spend less money than before...

African governments like to document their march to development with dramatic statistics on education, but the truth is education often hurts Africa more than it helps. African school systems, grafted on to Africa from Britain and France, produce too many parrot-like rote learners who refuse to dirty their hands. They are of little use to developing economies that need creative men with initiative and the will to work hard. Moreover, in some countries, the supply of educated young men exceeds the number of jobs. Cities like Lagos, Nigeria, have thousands of schooled young men who can't get a white collar job but refuse to take any other. Despite this, African governments continue to expand their education systems and spout statistics...

New Kenya Immigration Bill Will Define Aliens' Rights, and Is Aimed at Indians - There are 358,000 Indians and Pakistanis in East Africa who face an uncertain and possibly tragic future. African jealousy of Indian success in business and the Asians' own past attitude of superiority toward the Africans has shaken the lives of the Pakistani and Indian traders since independence came to Africa. Two personal incidents underline their predicament. Five years ago, before independence, I cashed a check in a Nairobi bank and waited while an African apprentice clerk labored over the transaction. His Asian supervisor stood behind, impatient, scowling, sneering, shrugging - his every gesture telling me, "These Africans will never learn." Then I recently accompanied a young African into a duka, as rural Asian shops are called. The African sipped his soda and suddenly bust into a tirade. "Where is your money hidden?" he shouted at the Asian shopkeeper...

Stanley Meisler, former Peace Corps deputy director for evaluation and research and Associated Press correspondent in Washington, D.C., Monday, was named chief of the Los Angeles Times news bureau in sub-Sahara Africa, now located in Nairobi, Kenya. Meisler, 33, succeeds Don Shannon, who has been transferred to The Times' Tokyo bureau following two years in Leopoldville, The Congo. The Leopoldville office has been closed. Meisler began his newspaper career with the Middletown (Ohio) Journal in 1953. He moved to the AP bureau in New Orleans a year later and to the Washington bureau in 1958. Meisler covered the House of Representatives prior to his appointment as a Peace Corps official in 1964. Awarded Ford Foundation Fellowship in 1961, Meisler spent a year traveling in Africa, followed by graduate studies in African affairs at UC Berkeley. He has written articles on Africa for Atlantic Monthly, the Reporter, the Nation and other magazines. A native of New York City, Meisler was graduated from City College of New York in 1952.

I have spent a good deal of the past five years reading reams about Africa, some of it informing, some of it nonsense. David Hapgood’s book has more sense than all the rest. This is not unexpected. Those of us who have met Hapgood, or have read his newsletters and magazine articles, have long known that he leaves all the academicians and other journalists far behind. Few Americans understand Africa the way he does. The university professors who trek through Africa tend to see it through the prism of their own pet theories. The embassy men tend to see it as a giant continent cracked by the cold war into one part that adulates John F. Kennedy and another that cheers Chou En-lai. The newsmen tend to see it through the whispers of the elegant elite, sipping brandy and ginger in the hotel lobbies of the capitals. Hapgood, a former New York Times writer who spent two years in Africa as a fellow of the Institute of Current World Affairs, looks at Africa with a cold eye and tough mind. He enjoys Africa, he feels it, even loves it, but he is not taken in...

One night in steaming, gamboling Lagos, a young Nigerian poet leaned forward and whispered, "Nigeria is made up of a caste of corruption on the top and a caste of grumblers on the bottom." A friend joined in. "The grumblers are angry." "No," the poet disagreed. "They are not angry yet. They still have too much." These words caught the mood of a generation in Africa. Almost every new nation in Africa has a strident class of educated men in their twenties and thirties muttering about corruption in high places, impatient with the pace of government, incensed at the lingering trappings of colonialism, embittered, frustrated, ready to claw at their government. Yet, for the most part, while they mutter and curse they never do more. For one thing, they are strapped by a paradox...

The flood of recent writing about Africa has rushed in two directions. One has been the Tarzan-pygmy-Time Magazine-cannibal-witch doctor-Robert Ruark way. The other has been the slide rule and footnote way of the political scientist, studying the twists and turns of Dark Continent politicians as if they were all Lyndon Johnsons. But Africa is not a land of comic-strip characters or of leaders practiced in the fragile art of gentlemanly politics. Either approach ignores the human side of Africa. Anthropologists Melville J. Herskovits and Hortense Powdermaker, in their new books, try to illuminate just that... In The Human Factor in Changing Africa, Herskovits tries to summarize decades of scholarship, so that the general reader can make something of the mystifying and ever-changing events of the continent. Herskovits concerns himself mostly with how the impact of colonial rule changed African cultures, and with how the cultures themselves changed some of the European innovations... In Copper Town, Miss Powdermaker’s approach is much narrower, though her subject is as broad. She focuses on the town of Luanshya in the copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia and tries to define the moods and tensions of Africans caught in a swiftly changing society. She exploits the particular incident to illustrate the general movements in Africa...

Keepers Of Nationalism - The poverty of tribal, rural hinterlands may be Africa's most despairing problem, but it is in the atmosphere of cities that African leaders tackle the issue. African cities, bustling and impatient, are far away from tribal Africa with its huge and potentially supreme masses. Only 12% of the population between the Sahara Desert and South Africa live in cities. But urban Africa Is vital Africa. The cities are the keepers of nationalism. Their moods create the changes that make headlines and make the new Africa. To understand new Africa, an observer must catch the mood of its cities. Let us catch the mood of three and see three different African ways of adjusting to the modern world...

Niyi Ishola, a 28-year-old government secretary in Nigeria, admires America very much. One of his great heroes, in fact, is the late John Foster Dulles. But Ishola has a complaint. "Soviet cosmonauts Gherman Titov and Yuri Gagarin give a much better impression than your astronaut John Glenn," he says. "Both Russians wear uniforms in their photographs, and the people respect uniforms. Uniforms show discipline. In his pictures," Ishola continues sadly, "Glenn wears a bowtie." John Glenn's bowtie has not stalled America's drive to win friends and respect In Africa. But this tale of a young Nigerian's concern with astronautical polka dots reflects the difficulty of trying to analyze the impact of U.S. policies on Africa. Africans live in a world remote from the world of Americans. Africans worry about farm plots and factory sites, not Castro and Khrushchev, about building a nation, not building an image. American assumptions about what impresses Africans, or what disturbs them, often lack a true base. The difficult problem of American race relations can illustrate this a bit. Many U.S. policymakers assume that the names Little Rock, New Orleans, Oxford do not endear the United Slates to Africa. The assumption, of course, is true. The treatment of Negroes in the United Slates does bother Africans...