Lie Detectors - The Industry, the Technology and the Victims. The first lie detector, employed centuries ago, was a handful of rice dropped into the mouth of a suspect. If the rice stayed dry while he answered questions, he clearly was a liar — exposed under the questionable theory that a liar's salivary glands would dry up when gripped by fear. The lie detector used most commonly today is far more sophisticated. Developed by the psychologist and criminologist Leonard Keeler almost forty years ago, it comprises a pneumatic tube that fits across a subject's chest to measure breathing, an inflatable rubber cuff that wraps around the arm to measure blood pressure and a pair of electrodes that touch the fingers and, by the flow of current, measure the dampness of the palm. These instruments activate pens that draw wiggles and waves on a rolling sheet of paper — a process that gives the lie detector its modern name, polygraph, Greek for "many writings." In theory, an examiner can look at the chart, note any unusual wiggles and waves, and nab his man. This polygraph, obviously more complicated than a few grains of rice, is also touted as more accurate. In truth, it is not...

This article focuses on the possibility that the assassination of former U.S. President John F. Kennedy might harm the U.S. Army's civilian marksmanship program due to public revulsion to the weapon which was used in the murder. The Army oversees civilian marksmanship through its National Board for the Promotion of Rifle Practice, which is headed by Colonel John K. Lee. The board sets up instruction programs, organizes the annual National Rifle and Pistol Matches, and markets used guns to the public. It does all this through the National Rifle Association (NRA). The Army sells rifles at cost to civilians only if they are members of the NRA, and it gives instruction to gun clubs only if they are affiliated with the NRA.

A peculiar disease has been isolated by medical scientists in the United States. The disease was first discovered by physician J.V. Brown in the "Western Journal of Surgery." Commerce houses are now marketing products designed to cope with it. Statistics on incidence and morbidity are scanty and the name of the disease is hazy. Some doctors call it "the fast draw syndrome"; others, "the Dodge City syndrome." It is most prevalent, of course, among the numerous special gun clubs that have sprouted across the land in recent years. Members, taking a leaf out of days of yore and some scripts of today, draw guns from their holster, quick as lightning and fire away. Unlike their legendary heroes they don't shoot at one another but aim at balloons. Sometimes though they miss the balloon and hit themselves in the right foot. Brown observed sixteen cases of the syndrome before writing his article "Gunshot Wounds of Lower Extremity: Fast Draw Syndrome." The typical case of the fast draw syndrome according to Browne is a young man in his late teens or early twenties who presents with a small calibre gunshot wound of the lower extremity, accidentally self-inflicted, while practicing a fast 'draw.'

According to the executive council of AFL-CIO, the so-called trade unions of Soviet Union are nothing but agencies of communist dictatorship. This implies that the unions in The U.S. are anything but agencies of government and big business. British Guiana is a good place to begin. The situation in British Guiana is far more complicated than that and its generous aid has involved the AFL-CIO in racial and political strife. In addition, not all the aid given by the AFL-CIO has come from the labor treasury. In British Guiana, as elsewhere in Latin America, the AFL-CIO has operated with money supplied by the United States Government and big business.

The article presents information about U.S. politics. The Republican candidate Barry Goldwater presented his precise views on the problem of civil rights. First, he made it clear that he considered States' rights the cornerstone of the republic. He did not see any conflict between States' rights and civil rights. On any particular issue, either one or the other counted, never both. Voting, for example, was clearly a civil right, and no state had the right to take this away from an individual. Goldwater stayed with these views as late as the University of Mississippi crisis last year.

This article reports the National Draft Goldwater Independence Day Rally, staged by the National Draft Goldwater Committee, held on July 4, 1963, in Washington, D.C. This Republican national convention was held for convincing every participants, specially politicians and reporters, to nominate Republican Barry Goldwater. The arranging Committee was headed by Texas Republican Chairman Peter O'Donnell, Jr. The main focus during the convention was on youths. The young people much preferred to think of their so-called hero, Goldwater. The rally was much dominated by youth and Dixie.

Reviews two books about Africa. "The Human Factor in Changing Africa," by Melville J. Herskovits; "Copper Town: Changing Africa. The Human Situation on the Rhodesian Copperbelt," by Hortense Powdermaker.

This article presents information on the public relations set-up of U.S. armed forces. One of the most significant works involving the public relations group of the U.S. armed forces is to capture mass media's attention to military propaganda's. In this context, the U.S. Dept. of Defense cooperates with various Hollywood producers in their endeavor of producing movies or television shows that shows U.S. armed forces in good light. The audio-visual division of the department scrutinizes scripts thoroughly before extending any sort of cooperation. A fixed set of guidelines is present to this effect which needs to be followed while approving scripts. The cooperation extended by the department helps producers save a lot of money.

This article discusses various issues related to the U.S. military forces. Public relations is among the newest of U.S. military weapons. Although military commanders and the War Department issue battle reports that were printed or elaborated by the press during the Civil War and the Spanish-American War, the U.S. military service did not issue its first formal press release until 1904. U.S. spends 59 per cent of its more than $80 billion budget on national security every year. However, the U.S. President says that they should guard against unwarranted influence by the military-industrial complex.

This article discusses about the plans of the U.S. government regarding the biggest public works project. The federal government has decided to spend billions of dollars for 41, 000 miles of superhighways criss-crossing the nation. Taxpayers are supporting the program because it promises to satisfy their hunger for cars and roads. A driver will be able to travel from coast to coast at sixty to seventy miles an hour without encountering a single stop sign, traffic light or railroad crossing. In the main, these highways with entry only at selected places, will have four lanes, swelling to six and eight lanes near metropolitan areas.

Luis Muñoz Marín, Puerto Rico's first elected Governor, remains in La Fortaleza, Puerto Rico. Despite his victory, a threat lingers, perhaps not to his power, but to the political stability of Puerto Rico. And, while the threat evolves primarily from clericalism, part of the threat also stems from Muñoz Marín himself. During the campaign, the flare-up over the tactics of the bishops, who issued two pastoral letters forbidding Catholics to vote for Muñoz Marín obscured some of the political problems of Puerto Rico. The Governor's rout of the new Christian Action Party, a creature of the bishops, tended to fill his supporters, particularly abroad, with a heady optimism, blinding them to the dangers still enveloping democracy on the island.

This article focuses on possibilities of the future political scenario after the fall of the regime of Generalissimo Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina in Dominican Republic which is tottering. The chaos and anger that will follow the fall, there will be no embrace. The sudden anti-Trujillo policy of the U.S. and the dramatic condemnation of the Dominican Republic by the Organization of American States (OAS) at San Jose have come too late to avert what State Department planners fear most an anti-American, Fidel Castro-leaning successor to Trujillo. There are degrees of bitterness and contempt, and the exact character of tile post-Trujillo regime will depend on the forces used to overthrow the Generalissimo.

In the world of U.S. Commissioner of Narcotics H J Anslinger, the drug addict is an “immoral, vicious, social leper,” who cannot escape responsibility for his actions, who must feel the force of swift, impartial punishment. This world of Anslinger does not belong to him alone. Bequeathed to all of us, it vibrates with the consciousness of twentieth-century America. Anslinger, however, has been its guardian. As America’s first and only Commissioner of Narcotics, he has spent much of his lifetime insuring that society stamp its retribution in to the soul of the addict. In his thirty years as Commissioner (Anslinger is now sixty-seven), he has listened to a chorus of steady praise. Admirers have described him as “the greatest living authority on the world narcotics traffic,” a man who “deserves a medal of honor for his advanced thought,” “one of the greatest men that ever lived,” a public servant whose work “will insure his place in history with men such as Jenner, Pasteur, Semmelweiss, Walter Reed, Paul Ehrlich, and the host of other conquerors of scourges that have plagued the human race.” But some discordant notes, especially in recent years, have broken through this chorus...

MEXICO CITY’S Palace of Fine Arts assigns one of its salons to modern art and another to Mexican art, but both, like all the others, exhibit the same kind of paintings. In tiers of galleries, this huge museum offers little but work by twentieth-century Mexicans. A first look is far from a dull experience. Eager for more, I marched from room to room, excited by a mural still in progress, by the stark perspective of Siqueiros, by the cluttered symbols of Rivera, by the bright colors and stunted figures of young artists, by the mystery of a powerful art spawned in a political revolution. Only later did doubt creep in. Where do young Mexicans go, I wondered, to find out about Botticelli or El Greco or Rembrandt or Degas or Picasso or de Kooning...?

A potful of hot water gurgled down on us as we waited, caught in a giggling, shoving crowd, outside Washington’s Coffee ‘n Confusion Club, a beatnik haven marking its first Saturday night of business in the nation’s capital. An irate neighbor in an upstairs apartment had tossed out the hot but not boiling water. The sprinkles from above alighting on the sprinkle of beards in the crowd symbolized one of the oddest clashes in the history of this clash-ridden federal town. For several months now, the prudery of Washington has been at war with the rebellion of its youth. The war started when a 24-year-old self-styled poet, William A. Walker, decided to open his club. Following the style of shops in San Francisco’s North Beach, it would sell coffee, pastries, biscuits, cream cheese, bagels and poetry...

For many years Howard Fast the Communist obscured our view of Howard Fast the writer. Flaunting contempt at Congress, issuing tracts against "bourgeois, decadent" authors, rallying sympathy for the Soviet Union, he stood between us and his books and kept us from a special insight into the intellect of an American Communist. Fast, who has left the party, may have represented, in some ways, the essence of America's own brand of communism. The clues to understanding him as a Communist lie in understanding him as a writer. Fast's novels had tremendous circulation in the Communist world after World War II and, in fact, enjoyed much popularity here until the press advertised his link with the Communist Party in the late 1940s. His Soviet popularity ended when he left the party in 1957. Although his resignation helped reopen doors to American publishers and movie producers, most of the fiction of his Communist period has remained unread here. We have slipped Fast into our stereotype of the ex-Communist and perfunctorily welcomed him as one more defector who finally has seen the light...

No one seems to care if entertainer Ewing Poteet dulls or excites taste for theatre. No one cares if he is foolish or brilliant, if he upholds theatre or sneers at it, if he knows how to write. The forty-four-year-old Poteet, in his seventh year as Item critic, is more than just his newspaper's theatre man. Most non-New York critics are the drama-music-movie-radio-television-nightclub-book-phonograph-art editors of their outfits. Fifty percent courts, 25 percent music, 25 percent theatre make up the 100 percent Poteet.